Each and every individual should have the same chance to rise or fall in society. The game of life, in that sense, must be played on an even playing field. This is not to say that there should be equality of outcome or reward, that living conditions and social circumstances should be the same for all. Liberals believe social equality to be undesirable because people are not born the same.
They possess different talents and skills, and some are prepared to work much harder than others. Liberals believe that it is right to reward merit, ability and the willingness to work — indeed, they think it essential to do so if people are to have an incentive to realize their potential and develop the talents they were born with.
Equality, for a liberal, means that individuals should have an equal opportunity to develop their unequal skills and abilities. A meritocratic society is one in which inequalities of wealth and social position solely reflect the unequal distribution of merit or skills amongst human beings, or are based upon factors beyond human control, for example luck or chance.
By extension, social equality is unjust because it treats unequal individuals equally. However, liberal thinkers have disagreed about how these broad principles of justice should be applied in practice. Classical liberals have endorsed strict meritocracy on both economic and moral grounds.
Economically, they place heavy stress on the need for incentives. Wide social inequality provides both the rich and the poor with a powerful incentive to work: the rich have the prospect of gaining greater wealth and the poor have an acute desire to escape from poverty.
Morally, justice is seen to demand respect for individual rights. So long as individuals acquire or transfer their wealth justly, the resulting distribution of wealth, however unequal, must be just. Such a theory of justice was developed by John Locke in the seventeenth century and has been advanced since the late twentieth century by neoliberals, often influenced by the ideas of Robert Nozick see p.
Modern liberals, on the other hand, have taken social justice to imply a belief in some measure of social equality. Consequently, social liberals such as Rawls have concluded that a just society is one in which wealth is redistributed through some form of welfare system for the benefit of the less well-off. Such different views of social justice reflect an underlying disagreement within liberalism about the conditions that can best achieve a just society.
Classical liberals believe that the replacement of feudalism by a market or capitalist society created the social conditions in which each individual could prosper according to his or her merits. Modern liberals, in contrast, believe that unrestrained capitalism has led to new forms of social injustice that privileged some and disadvantage others.
Political Ideologies An Introduction 3rd edition Andrew Heywood Toleration and diversity The liberal social ethic is very much characterized by a willingness to accept and, in some cases, celebrate moral, cultural and political diversity. Indeed, pluralism or diversity can be said to be rooted in the principle of individualism, and the assumption that human beings are separate and unique creatures. However, the liberal preference for diversity has more commonly been associated with toleration.
Toleration means forbearance, a willingness to allow people to think, speak and act in ways of which we disapprove. Toleration is both an ethical ideal and a social principle. On the one hand, it represents the goal of personal autonomy; on the other, it establishes a set of rules about how human beings should behave towards one another. The liberal case for toleration first emerged in the seventeenth century in the attempt by writers such as John Milton —74 and John Locke to defend religious freedom.
Toleration should be extended to all matters regarded as private on the grounds that, like religion, they concern moral questions that should be left to the individual. Toleration is thus a guarantee of negative freedom. In On Liberty [] , J.
Mill developed a wider justification for toleration that highlighted its importance to society as well as the individual. From the individual's point of view, toleration is primarily a guarantee of personal autonomy and is thus a condition for moral self-development. Nevertheless, toleration is also necessary to ensure the vigour and health of society as a whole. Contest, debate and argument, the fruit of diversity or multiplicity, are therefore the motor of social progress.
Mill [] was thus able to argue as follows: If all mankind minus one, were of one opinion, and only one person were of the contrary opinion, mankind would be no more justified in silencing that one person, than he, if he had the power, would be justified in silencing mankind. Sympathy for toleration and diversity is also linked to the liberal belief in a balanced society, one not riven by fundamental conflict.
Although individuals and social groups pursue very different interests, liberals hold that there is a deeper harmony or balance amongst these competing interests. For example, the interests of workers and employers differ: workers want better pay, shorter hours and improved working conditions; employers wish to increase their profits by keeping their production costs — including wages — as low as possible.
Nevertheless these competing interests also complement one another: workers need jobs, and employers need labour. In other words, each group is essential to the achievement of the other group's goals. Individuals and groups may pursue self-interest but a natural equilibrium will tend to assert itself.
As a descriptive term, pluralism may denote the existence of party competition political pluralism , a multiplicity of ethical values moral or value pluralism , a variety of cultural beliefs cultural pluralism and so on.
As a normative term it suggests that diversity is healthy and desirable, usually because it safeguards individual liberty and promotes debate, argument and understanding. More narrowly, pluralism is a theory of the distribution of political power. As such it holds that power is widely and evenly dispersed in society, not concentrated in the hands of an elite or ruling class.
However, liberal toleration does not imply support for unrestricted pluralism and diversity. For example, Locke was not prepared to extend the principle of toleration to Roman Catholics, who, in his view, were a threat to national sovereignty as they gave allegiance to a foreign pope. More commonly, toleration may be qualified in relation to views that are in themselves intolerant. Liberals may, for instance, be prepared to support laws forbidding the expression of, for instance, racist opinions or laws that ban undemocratic political parties, on the grounds that the spread of such opinions or the success of such parties is likely to spell the demise of liberal toleration.
Nevertheless, liberals have believed that, in most cases, intolerance does not have to be suppressed. Faith in toleration is therefore linked to the Universalist belief that liberal theories and values are ultimately destined to triumph over their illiberal alternatives.
Since the late twentieth century, however, many liberals have gone beyond toleration and endorsed the idea of moral neutrality. This reflects a shift from universalism to pluralism within liberalism, in that liberals have often abandoned the search for a set of fundamental value in favour of the desire to create conditions in which people with different moral and material priorities can live together peacefully and profitably. Such a view is based upon the belief, expressed most forcibly in the writings of Isaiah Berlin [] , that conflicts of values are intrinsic to human life.
People, in short, are bound to disagree about the ultimate ends of life. This may deprive liberal values of their privileged status, but it underlines the importance of tolerance-preserving liberal institutions as the best, and perhaps the only, means of preserving order and stability in a context of moral pluralism.
However, once liberalism accepts moral pluralism, it is difficult to contain it within a liberal framework. Political Ideologies An Introduction 3rd edition Andrew Heywood Liberalism, government and democracy The liberal state Liberals do not believe that a balanced and tolerant society will develop naturally out of the free actions of individuals and voluntary associations. This is where liberals disagree with anarchists, who believe that both law and government are unnecessary.
Liberals fear that free individuals may wish to exploit others, steal their property or even turn them into slaves if it is in their interests to do so. They may also break or ignore their contracts when it is to their advantage.
The liberty of one person is always therefore in danger of becoming a licence to abuse another; each person can be said to be both a threat to and under threat from every other member of society. Our liberty requires that they are restrained from encroaching upon our freedom, and in turn their liberty requires that they are safeguarded from us. Liberals have traditionally believed that such protection can only be provided by a sovereign state, capable of restraining all individuals and groups within society.
John Locke — English philosopher and politician. His political views were developed against the background of and were shaped by the English Revolution. Although he accepted that by nature humans are free and equal, the priority he accorded property rights prevented him from endorsing political equality or democracy in the modern sense.
This argument is the basis of the social contract theories, developed by seventeenth-century writers such as Thomas Hobbes see p. All individuals would recognize that it is in their interests to sacrifice a portion of their liberty in order to set up a system of law; otherwise their rights, and indeed their lives, would constantly be under threat. The purpose of the social contract argument, however, is to highlight the value of the sovereign state to the individual.
In other words Hobbes and Locke wished individuals to behave as if the historical fiction were true, by respecting and obeying government and law, in gratitude for the safety and security that only a sovereign state can provide.
The social contract argument embodies several important liberal attitudes towards the state in particular and political authority in general. The state is created by individuals and for individuals; it exists in order to serve their needs and interests. Government arises out of the agreement, or consent, of the governed.
This implies that citizens do not have an absolute obligation to obey all laws or accept any form of government. If government is based upon a contract, made by the governed, government itself may break the terms of this contract.
When the legitimacy of government evaporates, the people have the right of rebellion. This principle was developed by Locke in Two Treatises of Government [] and was used to justify the Glorious Revolution of , which deposed James II and established a constitutional monarchy in Britain under William and Mary.
It was also clearly expressed by Thomas Jefferson see p. Second, social contract theory portrays the state as an umpire or neutral referee in society. The state is not created by a privileged elite, wishing to exploit the masses, but out of an agreement amongst all the people. The state therefore embodies the interests of all its citizens and acts as a neutral arbiter when individuals or groups come into conflict with one another.
The essential characteristic of any such umpire is that its actions are, and are seen to be, impartial. Liberals thus regard the state as a neutral arbiter amongst the competing individuals and groups within society.
Constitutional government Although liberals are convinced of the need for government, they are also acutely aware of the dangers that government embodies. In their view, all governments are potential tyrannies against the individual. One the one hand, this is based upon the fact that government exercises sovereign power and so poses a constant threat to individual liberty. On the other hand, it reflects a distinctively liberal fear of power. As human beings are self-seeking creatures, if they have power — the ability to influence the behaviour of others — they will naturally use it for their own benefit and at the expense of others.
Liberals therefore fear arbitrary government and uphold the principle of limited government. A constitution is a set of rules that seek to allocate duties, powers and functions amongst the various institutions of government. It therefore Constitutionalism Constitutionalism, in a narrow sense, is the practice of limited government brought about by the existence of a constitution. Constitutionalism in this sense can be said to exist when government institutions and political processes are effectively constrained by constitutional rules.
More broadly, constitutionalism refers to a set of political values and aspirations that reflect the desire to protect liberty through the establishment of internal and external checks on government power. It is typically expressed in support for constitutional provisions that establish this goal, notably a codified constitution, a bill of rights, separation of powers, bicameralism and federalism or decentralization.
Constitutionalism is thus a species of political liberalism. As such, it both defines the extent of government power and limits its exercise. Support for constitutionalism can take two forms. In the first place, the powers of government bodies and politicians can be limited by the introduction of external and usually legal constraints. The most important of these is a so-called written constitution, which codifies the major powers and responsibilities of government institutions within a single authoritative document.
The first such document was the US Constitution, written in , but during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries written constitutions were adopted in all liberal democracies, with the exception of the UK, Israel and New Zealand. In many cases bills of rights also exist, which entrench individual rights by providing a legal definition of the relationship between the individual and the state.
Where neither written constitutions nor bills of rights exist, as in the UK, liberals have stressed the importance of statute law in checking government power through the principle of the rule of law. This was most clearly expressed in nineteenth-century Germany in the concept of the Rechtsstaat, a state ruled by law. All liberal political systems exhibit some measure of internal fragmentation. This can be achieved by applying the doctrine of the separation of powers, proposed by Montesquieu himself.
This holds that the legislative, executive and judicial powers of government should be exercised by three independent institutions, thus preventing any individual or small group from gaining dictatorial power. The principle of judicial independence is respected in all liberal democracies. As the judiciary interprets the meaning of law, both constitutional and statutory, and therefore reviews the powers of government itself, it must enjoy formal independence and politically neutrality if it is to protect the individual from the state.
Other devices for fragmenting government power include cabinet government which checks the power of the prime minister , parliamentary government which checks the power of the executive , bicameralism which checks the power of each legislative chamber and territorial divisions such as federalism, devolution and local government which check the power of central government.
However, democracy is a contested concept: there is no agreed or settled definition of the term, only a number of rival definitions. There is therefore no single model of democratic rule, only a number of competing versions. Historically, the most successful of these has been liberal democracy; by the end of the twentieth century, liberal democracy appeared to have vanquished its major rivals.
Nevertheless, liberal-democratic political systems have a hybrid character: they embody two distinct features, one liberal, the other democratic. The liberal element reflects a belief in limited government; the democratic element reflects a commitment to popular rule. This is ensured by political pluralism, a tolerance of a wide range of contending beliefs, conflicting social philosophies and rival political movements and parties.
This is maintained both by internal and external checks on government power and the existence of autonomous groups and interests, and by the market or capitalist organization of economic life. The hybrid nature of liberal democracy reflects a basic ambivalence within liberalism towards democracy.
In many ways, this is rooted in the competing implications of individualism, which both embodies a fear of collective power and leads to a belief in political equality. In the nineteenth century, liberals often saw democracy as threatening or dangerous.
In this respect, they echoed the ideas of earlier political theorists such as Plato and Aristotle, who viewed democracy as a system of rule by the masses at the expense of wisdom and property. The central liberal concern has been that democracy can become the enemy of individual liberty. Individual liberty and minority rights can thus be crushed in the name of the people. Madison argued that the best defence against majoritarian tyranny is a network of checks and balances that would make government responsive to competing minorities and also safeguard the propertied few from the propertyless masses.
Liberals have expressed particular reservations about democracy not merely because of the danger of majority rule but also because of the make-up of the majority in modern, industrial societies. As far as J. Mill was concerned, for instance, political wisdom is unequally distributed and is largely related to education. The uneducated are more liable to act according to narrow class interests, whereas the educated are able to use their wisdom and experience for the good of others.
He therefore insisted that elected politicians should speak for themselves rather than reflect the views of their electors, and he proposed a system of plural voting that would disenfranchise the illiterate and allocate one, two, three or four votes to people depending upon their level of education or social position. James Madison — US statesman and political theorist. Madison was a Virginian who was a keen advocate of American nationalism at the Continental Congress, and He helped to set up the Constitutional Convention in , and played a major role in writing the Constitution.
Madison was a leading proponent of pluralism and divided government, urging the adoption of federalism, bicameralism and the separation of powers as the basis of US government. Madisonianism thus implies a strong emphasis upon checks and balances as the principal means of resisting tyranny. Nevertheless, when in office, Madison was prepared to strengthen the powers of national government. His best-known political writings are his contributions to The Federalist —8 , which campaigned for Constitutional ratification.
Ortega y Gasset — , the Spanish social thinker, expressed such fears more dramatically in The Revolt of the Masses Gasset warned that the arrival of mass democracy had led to the overthrow of civilized society and the moral order, paving the way for authoritarian rulers to come to power by appealing to the basest instincts of the masses. By the twentieth century, however, a large proportion of liberals had come to see democracy as a virtue, although this was based upon a number of arguments and doctrines.
The earliest liberal justification for democracy was based on consent, and the idea that citizens must have a means of protecting themselves from the encroachments of government. If government, through taxation, possesses the power to expropriate property, citizens are entitled to protect themselves by controlling the composition of the tax-making body — the legislature. Utilitarian theorists such as Jeremy Bentham and James Mill — developed the notion of democracy as a form of protection for the individual into a case for universal suffrage.
Utilitarianism see p. However, to justify democracy on protective grounds is to provide only a qualified endorsement of democratic rule. Ultimately, protective democracy aims to give citizens the greatest scope to live their lives as they choose, and thus tends to be associated with minimum government intervention. A more radical endorsement of democracy is linked to the virtues of political participation.
This has been associated with the ideas of J. Rousseau but received a liberal interpretation in the writings of J. In a sense, J. Mill encapsulates the ambivalence of the liberal attitude towards democracy. In its unrestrained form, democracy leads to tyranny, but in the absence of democracy ignorance and brutality will prevail.
By participating in political life citizens enhance their understanding, strengthen their sensibilities and achieve a higher level of personal development. This form of developmental democracy holds democracy to be, primarily, an educational experience. As a result, although he rejected political equality, Mill believed that the franchise should be extended to all but those who are Perspectives on … Democracy Liberals understand democracy in individualist terms as consent expressed through the ballot box, democracy being equated with regular and competitive elections.
Whilst democracy constrains abuses of power, it must always be conducted within a constitutional framework in order to prevent majoritarian tyranny. The new right, however, has linked electoral democracy to the problems of over-government and economic stagnation. Socialists traditionally endorsed a form of radical democracy based on popular participation and the desire to bring economic life under public control, dismissing liberal democracy as simply capitalist democracy.
Nevertheless modern social democrats are now firmly committed to liberal-democratic structures. Political Ideologies An Introduction 3rd edition Andrew Heywood Anarchists endorse direct democracy and call for continuous popular participation and radical decentralization.
Electoral or representative democracy is merely a facade that attempts to conceal elite domination and reconcile the masses to their oppression. Fascists embrace the ideas of totalitarian democracy, holding that a genuine democracy is an absolute dictatorship as the leader monopolises ideological wisdom and is alone able to articulate the true interests of the people. Party and electoral competition are thus corrupt and degenerate.
Ecologists have often supported radical or participatory democracy. However, since the twentieth century, liberal theories about democracy have tended to focus less on consent and participation and more on the need for consensus in society. This can be seen in the writings of pluralist theorists, who have argued that organized groups, not individuals, have become the primary political actors and portrayed modern industrial societies as increasing complex, characterized by competition between rival interests.
From this point of view, the attraction of democracy is that it is the only system of rule capable of maintaining equilibrium within complex and fluid modern societies. As democracy gives competing groups a political voice it binds them to the political system and so maintains political stability.
This, nevertheless, lead to more modest theories of democracy. The US political scientists Robert Dahl b. A polyarchy is characterized by the extension of citizenship to a relatively high proportion of adults and the right of those citizens to oppose government officials by voting them out of office. Whilst this may fall a long way short of the classical ideal of popular self-government, it has the crucial advantage of maintaining a consistent level of accountability and popular responsiveness.
Classical liberalism Classical liberalism was the earliest liberal tradition. Classical liberal ideas developed during the transition from feudalism to capitalism, and reached their high point during the early industrialization of the nineteenth century. The cradle of classical liberalism was the UK, where the capitalist and industrial revolutions were most advanced.
Its ideas have always been more deeply rooted in Anglo-Saxon countries, particularly the UK and the USA, than in other parts of the world. However, classical liberalism is not merely a nineteenth-century form of liberalism, whose ideas are now only of historical interest.
Its principles and theories in fact have had growing appeal from the second half of the twentieth century onwards. Although what is called neoclassical liberalism, or neoliberalism, initially had greatest impact in the UK and the USA, its influence has spread much wider, in part fuelled by the advance of globalization.
Political Ideologies An Introduction 3rd edition Andrew Heywood Classical liberal ideas have taken a variety of forms but they have a number of common characteristics. First, classical liberals subscribe to egoistical individualism. They view human beings as rationally self-interested creatures, who have a pronounced capacity for self-reliance.
Society is therefore seen to be atomistic, composed of a collection of largely self-sufficient individuals, meaning that the characteristics of society can be traced back to the more fundamental features of human nature. Second, classical liberals believe in negative freedom.
The individual is free insofar as he or she is left alone, not interfered with or coerced by others. As stated earlier, freedom in this sense is the absence of external constraints upon the individual. It is necessary in that, at the very least, it lays down the conditions for orderly existence; and it is evil in that it imposes a collective will upon society, thereby limiting the freedom and responsibilities of the individual.
In this view, the state's proper role is restricted to the maintenance of domestic order, the enforcement of contracts, and the protection of society against external attack. Finally, classical liberals have a broadly positive view of civil society.
This is most clearly expressed in the classical liberal belief in a self-regulating market economy. Classical liberalism nevertheless draws upon a variety of doctrines and theories. A right, most simply, is an entitlement to act or be treated in a particular way. Such entitlements may be either moral or legal in character. Natural rights are now more commonly called human rights. Natural rights are thus thought to establish the essential conditions for leading a truly human existence.
Jefferson did not accept that property was a natural or God-given right, but rather one that had developed for human convenience. The idea of natural or human rights has affected liberal thought in a number of ways. Jefferson was a wealthy Virginian planter who was a delegate to the Second Continental Congress, , and Governor of Virginia, — He served as the first Secretary of State, —94, and was the third President of the United States, —9.
Jefferson was the principal author of the Declaration of Independence and wrote a vast number of addresses and letters. Jefferson developed a democratic form of agrarianism that sought to blend a belief in rule by a natural aristocracy with a commitment to limited government and laissez-faire. He also exhibited sympathy for social reform, favouring the extension of public education, the abolition of slavery despite being a slave-owner and greater economic equality.
In the United States, Jeffersonianism stands for resistance to strong central government and a stress upon individual freedom and responsibility, and states' rights. The citizen should therefore accept any form of government because even repressive government is better than no government at all.
Hobbes therefore placed the need for order above the desire for liberty. Locke, on the other hand, argued against arbitrary or unlimited government. When these are protected by the state, citizens should respect government and obey the law. However, if government violates the rights of its citizens, they in turn have the right of rebellion. Locke thus approved of the English Revolution of the seventeenth century and applauded the establishment of a constitutional monarchy in In later centuries liberals have often used the idea of individual rights to justify popular revolt against government tyranny.
For Locke, moreover, the contract between state and citizens is a specific and limited one: its purpose is to protect a set of defined natural rights. As a result, Locke believed in limited government. Other issues and responsibilities are properly the concern of private individuals. Utilitarianism Natural rights theories were not the only basis of early liberalism. An alternative and highly influential theory of human nature was put forward in the early nineteenth century by the utilitarians, notably Jeremy Bentham and James Mill.
In their place, he proposed what he believed to be the more scientific and objective idea that individuals are motivated by self- interest and that these interests can be defined as the desire for pleasure, or happiness, and the wish to avoid pain.
Utilitarian ideas have had a considerable impact upon liberalism. In particular they have provided a moral philosophy that explains how and why individuals act as they do.
The utilitarian conception of human beings as rationally self-interested creatures was adopted by later generations of liberal thinkers. Furthermore each individual is thought to be able to perceive his or her own best interests.
This cannot be done on their behalf by some paternal authority, such as the state. Bentham argued that individuals act so as to gain pleasure or happiness in whatever way they choose. No one else can judge the quality or degree of their happiness. If each individual is the sole judge of what will give him or her pleasure, then the individual alone can determine what is morally right. On the other hand, utilitarian ideas can also have illiberal implications.
Bentham held that the principle of utility could be applied to society at Utilitarianism Utilitarianism is a moral philosophy that was developed by Jeremy Bentham and James Mill. Individuals are therefore assumed to act so as to maximize pleasure and minimize pain, these being calculated in terms of utility or use-value, usually seen as satisfaction derived from material consumption.
Act utilitarianism judges an act to be right if it produces at least as much pleasure-over-pain as any other act.
Rule utilitarianism judges an act to be right if it conforms to a rule which, if generally followed, produces good consequences. Jeremy Bentham — UK philosopher, legal reformer and founder of utilitarianism. Bentham's ideas formed the basis of philosophical radicalism, which was responsible for many of the reforms in social administration, law, government and economics in Victorian Britain. Bentham developed a supposedly scientific alternative to natural rights theory, in the form of a moral and philosophical system based upon the belief that human beings are rationally self- interested creatures, or utility maximizers.
Liberals, in contrast, believe that each and every individual should be entitled to pursue his or her own interests, not just those who happen to be in the majority. The strict application of Benthamite principles can therefore, liberals fear, result in majoritarian tyranny. Economic liberalism The late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries witnessed the development of classical economic theory in the work of political economists such as Adam Smith see p.
Smith's The Wealth of Nations [] was in many respects the first economics text book. His ideas drew heavily upon liberal and rationalist assumptions about human nature and made a powerful contribution to the debate about the desirable role of government within civil society. Smith wrote at a time of wide-ranging government restrictions upon economic activity. Mercantilism, the dominant economic idea of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, had encouraged governments to intervene in economic life in an attempt to encourage the export of goods and restrict imports.
After holding the chair of logic and then moral philosophy at Glasgow University, Smith became tutor to the Duke of Buccleuch, which enabled him to visit France and Geneva and develop his economic theories. In The Theory of Moral Sentiments Smith developed a theory of motivation that tried to reconcile human self-interestedness with unregulated social order.
His most famous work, The Wealth of Nations , was the first systematic attempt to explain the workings of the economy in market terms, emphasizing the importance of a division of labour. Though often seen as a free-market theorist, Smith was nevertheless aware of the limitations of laissez-faire. Smith thought of the economy as a market, indeed as a series of interrelated markets.
He believed that the market operates according to the wishes and decisions of free individuals. Freedom within the market means freedom of choice: the ability of the businesses to choose what goods to make, the ability of workers to choose an employer, and the ability of consumers to choose what goods or services to buy.
The attraction of classical economics was that, although each individual is materially self- interested, the economy itself is thought to operate according to a set of impersonal pressures — market forces — that tend naturally to promote economic prosperity and well-being. For example, no single producer can set the price of a commodity — prices are set by the market, by the number of goods offered for sale and the number consumers are willing to buy.
These are the forces of supply and demand. The market is a self-regulating mechanism: it needs no guidance from outside. Improve those grades by placing your order today!
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